Time Travel Is Easy Postings

I have added a few articles to Claire’s history blog Time travel is easy: Interdisciplinary history for generation next.

Looking back at these articles, I guess they make me seem like I’m a bit of a grouchy anti-mainstream activist historian. I hereby blame Jai Kasturi, Professor Carol Gluck, my sixth grade teacher Don Andrews, and most of all, my mom.

Incidentally, Claire is looking for more people interested in posting on history related topics for younger readers.

Poets and Ninjas

My last day in Mie last Saturday was partly spent in the town of Ueno, part of the old Iga area. I have uploaded some pictures here. The town’s tourism board has maximized on Iga’s reputation for being the home of one of Japan’s famous ninja clans. Various city officials are dressed in black or pink ninja outfits, which sometimes mix strangely with their hats or white shoes. Signs are covered in throwing stars, there is a ninja udon noodle shop in the park, and I brought home some ninja throwing star cookies as a gift for a friend…
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Kikuchiyo on Why Fetuses Go to Hell

In his posting on the Jizo Bodhisattva statues, Aaron at Kikuchiyo explains why fetuses go to hell, and thus answers the big question that many of us have been asking recently, “Why should the hostages feel guilty for being kidnapped in Iraq?” Read more about their recent trials in the New York Times article about their return.
Update: A Japanese diet member, 柏村武昭, has now referred to the kidnapped Japanese hostages as “anti-Japanese elements” for their previously voiced opposition to Japan sending troops. 「人質の中には自衛隊のイラク派遣に公然と反対していた人もいるらしい。そんな反政府、反日的分子のために血税を用いることは強烈な違和感、不快感を持たざるを得ない」This Asahi article found via Issho. Wow, I haven’t seen this word, anti-Japanese elements, or 反日的分子, in a while.
Update: Laszlo has written a posting on this, well worth the read. I think our positions are very similar, if not identical.

Imagining other worlds

I’m close to finishing up Baudolino by Umberto Eco. The book is fantastic and the fourth I have enjoyed by him. Some people find it hard to get through anything he writes but I savor every page, often forgetting that I am reading him in translation. He plays with words, he plays with our minds, and he conjures up such amazing images, characters, and historical gems that not only are all his works re-readable but almost beg a second round to reassemble the pieces he throws at you. When I read Eco, I feel like he is giving the reader equal doses of revelation and deception. It is like he is playing a game, but unlike most authors who play the game with their book’s story and characters, Eco seems to love playing directly with the reader’s sanity.

Anyways, more on that some other time. Two quotes from Baudolino which I added to the quote database for this site. In isolation they may seem puzzling, but each one reminds me of one of the long moments of introspection his book instigated,

“I am not asking you to bear witness to what you believe false, which would be a sin, but to testify falsely to what you believe true – which is a virtuous act because it compensates for the lack of proof of something that certainly exists or happened.” p56

“I devoted my nights to imagining other worlds…There is nothing better than imagining other worlds, to forget the painful one we live in. At least so I thought then. I had not yet realized that, imagining other worlds, you end up changing this one.” p99

Moroha

My friend Derek has just started a new blog which already looks multilingual (he is putting me to shame for not daring to post here in my bad written Japanese and Chinese). I love one of his lines, “Even if I posted a comment on slashdot, it would only be drowned and unnoticed among the flood of inane comments every post gets on slashdot. This way, my comments will instead be drowned among the thousands of inane personal blogs, like this one.” Also to check out: Sayaka has some great recent postings related to Taiwanese politics on her blog.

Chinese Character Reform Movements in Taiwan

Last Saturday (I’m getting caught up on lots of things I wanted to blog here about) the COE-CAS at Waseda, where I’m currently a research assistant, gave three of its graduate students one of many opportunities to present on their research in front of other students and professors connected to the center. While all three presenters were delivered some sharp words of advice on their work from the collection of big whig professors who attended, I learnt a lot from listening to the papers and comments that followed.

Of the three presentations I was most interested in a paper by Sugano Atsushi 菅野敦志 on the history of Chinese character reform movements in Taiwan entitled 台湾における「簡体字論争」ー国民党の「未完の文字改革」とその行方.

Anyone who has studied Chinese knows that there are two major sets of Chinese characters in common use. The simplified characters or 简体字 and the traditional or full-form characters 繁體字 or as they sometimes called, the 正體字 (the “correct” characters). The former are used in mainland China and more recently in Singapore, while the latter are used in Taiwan and other places with large Chinese populations. Many of the simplified characters are short hand versions of characters which all writers of Chinese characters use in some form or another when they write things by hand and there are variations of these in Japan, Korea, Taiwan, China and elsewhere. Mainland China has its own standard simplified set, and many complain about the sometimes less than satisfactory changes.

The characters have political importance too. After the Chinese civil war, the nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek retreated to Taiwan and it would not have been easy for them to simply adopt the mainland Communist government’s set of simplified characters after they implemented their reform in the mid 50s. I have always thought that that was the end of the story, that is, the mainland Communist regime pointing to their characters as “progressive” and a contribution to increased literacy through simplification, while the Taiwanese, with their more complicated characters boasting that they alone preserve China’s written culture with its beautiful and semantically rich characters.

I won’t go into the details of Sugano’s paper here but essentially he talks about the fact that Taiwan’s nationalist government was at one point very serious about reforming the characters. He focuses on two reform movements, one in the mid 50s and a second one in the late 60s. In both cases, there was heated discussion amongst scholars, government committees, and also a lively involvement by Taiwan’s newspapers press, which I found surprising given the repressive controls on Taiwan’s media. Ultimately, both movements failed, and I fear Sugano doesn’t fully explain why, but throughout his paper he brings up some fascinating little tidbits about the debate.

One thing I found very surprising was that apparently Chiang Kai-shek was strongly for the simplification of the characters. In December of 1954 he is quoted as saying, “For the education and convenience of the masses, I believe that nation can greatly benefit from the introduction of simplified characters. I am for it, and believe we need to promote it.” (I hope my English translation of Sugano’s Japanese translation of the original Chinese is not too far from the original in meaning)

A second point he showed was how the debate over the reform of the characters sometimes pitted mainland 外省人 against native Taiwanese. The former had much to gain from the fact that they already had been raised on the old characters while the native Taiwanese, many of which were illiterate, would have nothing to lose from the reform. This doesn’t quite play out in the statistics however, as we can see below.

Sugano also notes that the two sides in the Taiwanese debate on reform were split completely in where they located the value of the characters themselves. The pro-simplification reformers always described Chinese characters as a “tool” of communication, and thus evaluated the need for reform based on a desire to increase literacy. The anti-reform side always argued that the characters were a symbol of Chinese traditional culture and thus needed to be preserved. Sugano’s puts this nicely, 「賛成派と反対派の「文字」に対する認識は始めから大きく異なるものであった...賛成派は、文字を「思想伝達の道具」であるとして捉え、一方の反対派は「民族伝統文化の象徴」であるの考えに立脚していた。」

Finally, he quotes a fascinating survey from the Taiwanese newspaper 聯合報 from April 1954 in which a solid majority of Taiwanese supported the reform movement, which collapsed shortly thereafter. The numbers he cites are as follows: 7315 for character reform (2888 native Taiwanese and 4389 mainlanders) and 4807 against (1178 native Taiwanese and 3610 mainlanders) or 41.8% for simplification vs. 30.2%.

Update: After being mentioned on the excellent Language Hat blog, Joel at Far Outliers added another part of the story of character reform which was featured in a recent New Yorker article. The article argues that Stalin played a key role in advising Mao against taking the final step to romanization.

Update: Kerim over at Keywords has commented on the literacy rates in Taiwan and also posted an entry which contains more information and some very interesting looking interests. I am so happy to see this kind of conversation between blogs starting to happen her as well. Thanks Kerim!

From the Qiang Barbarians to the Qiang Nationality

I recently enjoyed reading an essay by Ming-ke Wang of Academia Sinica in a collection of essays called Imagining China: Regional Division and National Unity on the development of the ethnic identity of the Qiang 羌 people. In the essay, “From the Qiang Barbarians to the Qiang Nationality: The Making of a New Chinese Boundary” Wang “shows how the Qiang people developed into an ethnic identity but also how the geographical and ethnic concept of Qiang changed in the eyes of the Han peoples as a part of their changing ethnic boundaries throughout their history.” This may sound rather dull but Wang’s makes a fascinating move in showing how these two processes overlapped. The Qiang, which are now one of 55 recognized “nationalities” in China, with a population of about 220,000, have connected themselves historically to the much broader Han historical category which until very recently referred to a broad range of ethnic groups classified as barbarians on China’s periphery. While I can think of a few other potential examples, this is a nice twist on a common theme in the formation of national identity. Instead of linking itself to an empire, a language, an island, etc. that could help the newborn Qiang nationality to distinguish itself from some Other, the Qiang nationality was born out Han China’s own “Other.” The fact that there was no linguistically, culturally, or even geographically consistent historical community which corresponded to what the Han called the Qiang is, like all formations of national identity from Norwegians to Japanese, pretty much irrelevant.

According to Wang, from the late Han to the Ming periods, the concept of the Qiang was something close to “those people in the west who are not one of us” and included a huge range of people along eastern edges of Tibetan Plateau. Over time, the Chinese empires would come to classify these peoples into smaller and smaller distinct groups and those who were called the Qiang by the the Han shifted (linguistically, not physically) further and further to the West until this bumped into Tibetan cultural communities that the Chinese categorized as the Fan 番. Ultimately, the Qiang ended up being the small group of mountain dwellers in the small geographic area they occupy today (the upper Min River Valley).

While the group of people who ended up being called the Qiang mostly speak (or now identify with) a language in the Tibeto-Burman language family, like Chinese, their dialects are very varied (Wang notes their proverb, “our language cannot go far.”) Until very recently, this group of people, which in Chinese terms stabilized linguistically in the late-Qing, mostly didn’t know they had been classified as the Qiang. Apparently, before the 1950s they only knew that people down-river called them Manzi 蛮子 (barbarians). Wang also notes that while many of these communities had almost identical “ways of subsistence, daily life, religion, and language. (Chinese of Sichuan dialect)” before the 1970s they would classify themselves as Han and people upstream as Manzi.

Meanwhile, however, the Chinese and foreign visiting anthropologists of the 20th century were busy searching for the essence of the Qiang people. Some Reverend named Thomas Torrance thought the Qiang were monotheists and descendants of the Israelites. (60) Chinese scholars later joined in but, “Even though they failed to find a normative Qiang culture, their attempts to do so, and the data they recorded in these quests, have reinforced the concept of the Qiang nationality both for the Han and the natives.” In more recent times, especially into the 1980s, the benefits of being one of China’s declared minority nationalities meant that many would jump at the opportunity to identify themselves as Qiang while they earlier would have whipped out genealogical records to prove their Han ancestry. With government approval, they designed a writing system, compiled a dictionary, and embroidery, which they probably picked up from the Han or Tibetans, was proclaimed their national hallmark. (69) A linear history of their people, based on the Han definition of the Qiang as it shifted over time was adopted, and “Qiang literati built up their self-image as the strongest opponents of the Han….a historical role as the Han’s brother and savior has also been constructed.” (71)

Wang says, “In the study of history of nations, explanations for the formation of a nation usually take one of two forms: “how did the past create the present?” or “how did the present create the past?” (73) to which his own interesting story of the Qiang shows how the two can overlap. “My own opinion falls in between because the meaning of the history of the Qiang is twofold: it is a history of a minority nationality, and also a history of the Chinese in respect to boundary formation and changes….if we consider the history of the Qiang as a process of formation, expansion and change of Chinese boundaries…this chapter illustrates how the past created the present, and underlines the continuity of this history. However, the most important past that created the present Han-Qiang relations is obviously not what really happened on the Qiang side, but how Chinese thought about their ethnic boundaries through the concept of the Qiang.”

Mie Bicycle Trip

I spent my first day here in Mie prefecture on a fun and fairly random bike ride with Hiroshi (I uploaded some pictures). It was a wonderful experience through some beautiful countryside. Lots of charming little villages, quiet and cool mountain roads, and vast dark green tea fields. Things didn’t wrap up quite the way we expected and we ended up coming home exhausted…by train.
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Refusing Eye Contact

Ok, there was this guy on the trains from 静岡 to 名古屋. He was a westerner, white, and had a big camping backpack like me. He was dressed to travel, like me. Yes, we were the only two westerners either of us had seen all afternoon. Yes, we were probably both too cheap to buy bullet train tickets and had therefore probably been riding all the same local trains a quarter of the way across Japan’s main island. However, for some reason I just didn’t want to make eye contact with him, and I didn’t want to do the usual “Gaijin nod” where the two, usually Western, guys (do women do this too?) meeting each other in a foreign place, in this case surrounded by Asians, nod knowingly to each other as if to say, “We are different. Here we are – how special we are.”
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Early Postwar Reconciliation with China

On Monday I joined my friend Jaehwan to hear a presentation by Daqing Yang, a professor of George Washington University whose work I’m very fond of. His presentation, on Japan’s early postwar relations with China through the perspective of reconciliation studies started with two questions: Did the “history problem” between Japan and China exist before 1982 (the first textbook controversy)? and Did Japanese work for reconciliation with China after the war? Yang argued yes on both accounts. He concludes that Japan achieved “thin reconciliation” or a very limited reconciliation but was reservedly optimistic that future efforts to expand efforts at reconciliation between Japan and China can be achieved by shifting the emphasis from inter-governmental to inter-societal exchanges.
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